A SHORT CATECHISM
Copyright, 1884, by John J. D. Tkexok.
H. A. Host, Printing Establishment, 3 & 5 North William St., N. Y.
^N ATTEMPT has been made, in the following
pages, to draw up a Catechism embodying the
moral principles and views of that section of the
Republican party which nominated Mr. Blaine at
Chicago and is now insisting upon his eminent
fitness to occupy the Presidential Chair.
If, as his champions assert, Mr. Blaine's con-
spicuous virtues deserve such marked and universal
recognition at the hands of the American people,
the youth of the country cannot too soon have
instilled into them the principles so much admired
in him by his followers.
For what were the founders of this Republic distinguished?
For unselfish love of country, truth, honor, and probity, and for
hatred of every kind of meanness.
Are those who direct the affairs of the country to-day similarly
Happily many of our leading men of all political parties are, but
the temptations offered by the greatly increased wealth of the United
States have proved too much for the integrity of many others.
Who are these men ?
The professional or " machine" politicians.
For what are they distinguished?
Generally for utter selfishness, a very low standard of honor and
honesty, aptness for jobbery and peculation, and thinly disguised con-
tempt for old-fashioned notions of the value of truth, rectitude and
Will this description hold good of the machine politicians, as you
term them, of both the great political parties?
Yes, it will.
Is it true of the men who are advocating Mr. Blaine's election?
Eminently so. His selection as their standard bearer and candidate
for the Presidency has nauseated the best men of the Republican party,
who are in open revolt against having the representative of political
dry-rot forced upon them.
What are the symptoms of this special kind of dry-rot?
The advocacy of ideas and practices such as they find themselves
forced to espouse and champion iu Mr. Blaine.
What are these ideas ?
Their formost orators and most "influential" men tell us that lying
equivocation and deceit, dishonorable practices, the barter of official
influence, seJf-abasement and the lowest kind of selfishness are proofs
of the "highest honor and integrity."
Then, what is their definition of a lie?
To judge by their present speeches, they hold there is no such thing.
In the earlier and better days of this republic, any and every inten-
tional violation of the truth was held to be a lie. But to-day the sup-
porters of the Republican Candidate for the Presidency maintain that
an intentional untruth is not a lie.
What is their object in so doing?
To prove that wrong is right, that dishonor is not dishonorable, that
prostitution of official position for private gain is not shameful, and that
inveterate lying is nothing but "brilliancy."
Is it possible that influential men of the Republican party are engaged
in thus debauching the public conscience?
The answer is to be found in the daily press. The columns of the
newspapers are full of speeches by the foremost supporters of the
Republican candidate, who iusist that he is "above reproach, without a
blemish or a stain," and not only that he is fit, but that he is actually
the fittest man in their party and in the country to stand at the head
of the United States government.
Is the whole Republican party acting in this way?
No. Many conscientious high-minded Republicans have determined,
if possible, to purge their party of this foulness and have, for the time
being, broken away from it. They have publicly expressed their re-
solve to have no hand or part in such shame.
What can induce men of usually sound judgment to act as Mr.
Blaine's supporters are acting?
Blind, unreasoning partisanship. The machine politicians among
them, being generally devoid of conscience, are led by the piospect of
gain in the shape of offices. These men control large bodies of un-
thinking followers That is not surprising. But that the thinking,
otherwise honorable men of a political organization can be so utterly
blinded by party spirit as to trample upon tbe plainest laws of morals
in supporting a man totally unfitted for the presidential office, is a sad
and grievous thing.
Do they then hold "party" dearer than conscience?
Unfortunately it would seem so. Or, at least, they are so desperately
intent upon keeping their party in power that they either refuse to be-
lieve the plainest evidence or satisfy themselves with quibbles which if
employed towards themselves in their everyday business would revolt
and outrage them.
What do you conclude trom this?
That party spirit carried to extremes, as in the present instance,
befogs the mind, warps the judgment; deadens the sense of honor and
is a bad, dangerous thing.
Because the majority of mankind are led, and are prone to adopt the
views of their leaders upon matters of right and wrong. The greatest
popular convulsions the world has ever seen have originated in the
baneful influence of popular leaders without conscience.
From which you further conclude —
That there rests upon the men whom the people honor with their
confidence, and to whom they look for guidance, a tremendous respon-
sibility which ought to deter them from breaking down the barriers
between right and wrong, and which, in case of the highest place in
the gift of the people, ought to render them exacting rather than
lenient. By acting on a totally opposite principle, the present leaders
of the Blaine party are educating the people to discard those sound
principles of political judgment and action on which the safety of the
Commonwealth is based.
To come to the Speaker of the House 01 Representatives. What
are his duties and functions?
His weightiest duty is the appointment of the various House Com-
mittees Of these Committees there are over forty, the most im-
portant being those on Appropriations, on Wavs and Means, on Rail-
ways atrd Canals, on Banking and Currency, on Commerce, orr Military
and Naval Afftirs, on Post Offices and Post Roads, on Public Lands,
on Public Buildings, on Pacific Railroads, on Rivers and Harbors, on
Pensions, Claims, War Claims, Treasury, War, and Navy Depart-
Is the responsibility of the speaker in appointing these Committees
Undoubtedly. Practically they hold the purse strings of the nation.
All legislation affecting great corporations, willing to pay handsomely
for ''favors," is subject to certain among them.
From which you argue?
That nothing is simpler than for a speaker, who desires to "make
the most of his opportunities," to appoint on these Committees inti-
mates of his own with an understanding that the profits of corruption
are to be divided. The ways in which his power may be abused to his
own advantage are numberless.
Should the Speaker, then, be above suspicion ?
Mr. Blaine's apologists distinctly affirm that he need be nothing
of the sort, but that a strong flavor of jobbery is rather a feather in his
To which you reply?
It is left to the conscience of the people to settle that question in
To proceed : What are the charges made against the Republican
That, while Speaker of the House of Representatives, he used his
official position to favor a certain railroad enterprise at the expense ot
the people's interests; that for so doing, after reminding the bene-
ficiaries that he had done them a ijreat favor, he received a large con-
sideration (stock and bonds of ihe road); that when pressed as to this
transaction by a Congressional Committee, he denied ever having
received any such bonds, except upon the open market terms of
purchase; that his correspondence with Josiah Caldwell and Warren
Fisher, Jr., shows such statement to have been false in every particular;
that he got possession from Mulligan of a portion of the correspondence
incriminating him, refused to return it, aud begged Mulligan on his
knees not to hand it to the Committee, as it would be his ruin; that
when the Committee was nearing the end of the enquiry he was con-
veniently sunstruck, and so remained until the end of that Session ot
Congress ; that by device he got into the Senate, and so removed himself
from the jurisdiction of the House of Representatives ; that he did uot,
as a man of honor should have done, insist upon the vindication of his
character by the prosecution of the Committee's enquiry at the end ;
that, having official knowledge of a proposed expansion of the Currency
to the amount of from fifty to seventy millions, he offered to use his
official position and influence to procure through favoritism, as he
himself expressly stated, a bank charter for men to whom he acknowl-
edged himself indebted for letting him share in profitable schemes
without any risk to himself; that by such jobbing and trading of his
official position and influence he laid the foundation of a fortune which
to-day he counts by millions ; that during his whole career in the House
of Representatives and the Senate he has been the stoutest Champion
of the great Railroad Corporations against legislation framed to force
them to keep faith with the people of the United States ; that, as Sec-
retary of State his craving for notoriety betrayed him into positions
which brought humiliation and contempt on the Administration and its
foreign policy, notably in his attitude towards Great Britain on the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty question, and towards Peru on that of the
Laudreau Guano claims.
Have these charges against Mr. Blaine been proved ?
The best men of the Republican party are so satisfied with the proofs
that to-day they are at the head of organizations whose sole avowed
aim and object is to defeat Mr. Blaine at the polls.
To what do these gentlemen point in proof?
To Mr. Blaine's own correspondence, comprising about twenty-five
letters written by him to Warren Fisher, Jr., of Boston. To his
speeches and votes in Congress. To Senator Edmunds' letter, expressing
his belief that Mr. Blaine was on the side of the Railroads during the
great struggle over the Thurman Act in 1878. To his Stat<-» Papers,
written while head of the State Department, especially his corre-
spondence with Earl Granville, and his instructions to S. Hurlbut, the
then United States minister to Peru, &c.
Why is Mr. Blaine's published correspondence with Warren Fisher,
Jr., called the "Mulligan" letters?
Because Mulligan was Fisher's bookkeeper, and also cashier of the
Adams Sugar Refinery, Boston, in which Fisher was a partner. Upon
Fisher's insolvency Mr. Blaine's letters came into Mulligan's hands
with the other assets. Fisher was also a contractor for a portion of the
Little Rock and Fort Smith R. R. , and was also a business partner of
Mr. Blaine's brother-in-law. Mulligan took these letters to Washington
to use them in case of need before a Committee appointed to investigate
the sale of certain Little Rock and Fort Smith bonds to the Union
Pacific R. R. Co., for which it was charged that the Union Pacific Co.
had paid largely in excess of their actual or market value. This
transaction was laid at Mr. Blaine's door, and the Committee were
really investigating him. The fact of Mulligan, Fisher's bookkeeper,
having held the letters involving Mr. Blaine in the Little Rock and
Fort Smith bond business, caused these documents to be called the
Then they were not written by Mulligan ?
No. They were written by James G. Blaine.
Was Mr. Blaine aware of the existence of these letters at the time
the Committee was investigating him ?
He was made aware of it by Mulligan informing the Committee that
he had the documents with him in Washington.
Upon this announcement, what did Mr. Blaine do?
He at once asked Mr. Lawrence, the Republican member of the
Committee, to " move an adjournment."
Did the Committee adjourn?
Yes, until ten o'clock the next morning.
What happened then ?
Mr. Mulligan then made the following statement under oath:
"I would ask the indulgence of the Committee to make a personal
and, to me, a painful statement. When I lirst arrived in this city, and
within about fifteen minutes after my arrival, there came a communi-
cation from Mr. Blaine to Mr. Fisher. Of course, I wish it to be
understood I am stating this under oath.
Mb. Huston. We so understand it.
Mr. Mulligan. There came a communication from Mr. Blaine,
inviting Fisher and me up to his residence. I declined to go, for
the reason that I did not want to have it said that I had gone to
see Mr. Blaine. I wanted to come to this committee room un tram-
meled by any influence. Mr. Usher went up to Mr. Blaine's house,
or at least, he so reported to me ; and he told Mr. Blaine about ceitain
facts that I could piove, and certain letters that 1 had got. Mr. Blaine
said that if I should publish them they would ruin him for life, or that
if this committee got hold of them they would ruin him fur life, and
wanted to know if I would not surrender them. I told him "no," and
that I would not give ihem to the committee unless it should turn out
that it was necessary for me to produce them. After my examination
here yesterday, Mr. Blaine came up to the hotel, the Rigtrs House, and
there had a conference with Mr. Atkins, Mr. Fisher, and myself. He
wanted to see these letters that I had. I declined to let him see them.
He 'prayed, almost went on his knees — / would say on his knees — and
implored me to think of his six children and his vrife, and that if the
committee should get hold of this communication, IT would SINK him
IMMEDIATELY AND RUIN HIM FOREVER. I told him I should not
give them to him. He asked me if I would let him read them. 1 said
I would if he would promise me on the word of a gentleman that he
would return them to me. I did let him read them over. He read
them over once and called for them again and read them over again.
He still importuned me to give those papers up. I declined to do it. I
retired t<» my own room and he followed me up, and went over the same
history about his family and his children, and implored me to give them
up to him, and even contemplated suh-ide. He asked me it I wanted
to see his children left in that state, and he then asked me again if I
would not let him look over these papers consecutively (I had them
numbered). I told him I would if he would return them to me. He
took ihe papers, read them all over, and among them I had a memoran-
dum that I had made by way ot synopsis of the letters, and refer ring
to the number of the letters — a synopsis containing ihe points of the
letters. I had made that memorandum so as to be able to refer to here
when questioned. He asked me to let him read the letters and I showed
him this statement too. After he had them read, he asked me what
I wanted to do with those papers; if I wanted to use them. I told
him I never wanted to use the papers, nor would not show them to the
committee unless called upon to do so. Then he asked me if I would
not give them to him. There was one letter in particular that he wanted
me to give to him. I told him I would not do it, and the only-
reason I would not do it was because I saw it stated in one of the
evening papers here, the Star, I think, that the Blaine party were going
to completely break down the testimony I hat I had given yesterday —
that they were satisfied about that. I said I should not publish these
letters unless my testimony were impeached or impunged. This was
the only reason that I wanted to keep them, but I wanted to keep them
for that purpose. These are the facts, gentlemen, and I leave them to
you. If 1 understood the order under which the committee meets, this
committee has power to send for persons and papers, and I want the
committee to get for me those papers. Mr. Blaine has got them, and
would not give them up to me.
By Mr. Lawrence — Mr. Blaine has these papers? A. Yes; he took
them from me last night.
To Mr. Lawrence — No one was present but Mr. Blaine and I. * *
I did not get them (the letters) surreptitiously. They were given to me
by Mr. Fisher for any purpose I deemed proper.
To Mr. Ashe — Mr. Blaine has the memorandum.
Did Mr. Blaine produce the aforementioned letters before the committee?
He did not, neither did he return them to Mulligan. He sub-
sequently read them to the House in such order and with such omis-
sions as he deemed necessary to his exoneration, adding that they
formed the whole — his own words were : "every scrap and scrimption" —
of the letters withheld from Mulligan.
Was the whole correspondence comprised in the letters withheld by
By no means; for even as late as September 15th, 1884, Messrs.
Fisher and Mulligan published another series of Mr. Blaine's letters
relating to the same transactions, which were, if possible, more damaging
than those previously published.
What do these letters prove?
The honorable men of Mr. Blaine's own party who are strenuously
opposing his election claim that they completely prove the bulk of the
charges hereinbefore recited as being made by them against him.
Can you give any extracts from these letters which prove or tend to
prove the charges made, with such comments as may throw light on
the con espondence ? ^
Mr. Blaine, in his letter of June 29th, 1869, writes to Fisher: "Your
offer to admit me to a participation in the new railroad enterprise is in
every respect as (jenerous as 1 could expect or desire.
Mr. Blaine solemnly asserted that he purchased the bonds at the open
market price. If that was the case, how could Mr. Fisher be generous
to him in the matter?
He next speaks of Caldwell's disposing of a share of his interest to
him (Blaine). This cannot have meant selling it to him, because, just
after, in his letter Blaine says that "perhaps if he (Caldwell) waits
until the full development of the enterprise, he (Caldwell) might grow
reluctant to part with the share, adding-, he (Blaine) did not by this
mean any disfrust of him (Caldwell). If Blaine were buying this share,
or intending to buy it at the full market value, his words would have
In order to spur Fisher's generosity to prod Caldwell's possible
reluctance, Blaine adds: I do not feel that I shall prove a deadhead in
the enterprise, if I once embark in it. I see various channels in which 1
Tcnou) I can be useful.
The honorable Republicans who charge Mr. Blaine with prostituting
his official position as Speaker of the House of Representatives for
private gain ask : What, to any man of sense, is the plain meaning ot
these words used to Mr. Fisher and Caldwell ? Is it not that the man
who had been to him in every respect, while admitting him to a
participation in the new railroad enterprise, as generous as he could
expect or desire, might count upon a quid pro quo f If Mr. Blaine paid
or intended to pay for his bonds in the Little Rock &. Fort Smith R. R.,
wdiat need was there for him to evince his gratitude for a generosity
which snapped up his money like that of any common speculator, by
assuring Fi«*her he saw various channels in which he knew he could be
useful % Did the man who read these lines from the Speaker of the
House of Representatives construe them as meaning: I intend to buy
my bonds at the open market rate, and feel so delighted as being able
to do so that I consider myself greatly indebted to those who are kind
enough to take my money for them ?
Mr. Blaine stated, did he not, that he never owned a share of stock
or a bond of the above mentioned railway for which he did not pay the
open market price ?
What has Mr. Fisher to say to this?
In a letter dated April 12th, 1872, to Mr. Blaine, Mr Fisher says :
"I have loaned you at various times, when you were comparitively
poor, very large sums of money, and never have you paid me one
dollar from your own pocket, either principal or interest. I have paid
sundry amounts to others to whom you were indebted, and these debts
you have allowed to stand unpaid like the notes which I hold. I have
placed you in position whereby you have received very large sums of
money without one dollar of expense to you, and you ought not to
forget the act on my part. Of all the parties connected with the
Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad no one has been so fortunate as
yourself in making money out of it. You have obtained subscriptions
from your friends in Maine for the building of the Little Rock and
Fort Smith Railroad. Out of their subscriptions you obtained a large
amount, both of bonds and money, free of cost to you. 1 have your
own figures and know the amount. Owing to your political position
you xcere able to woik off all your bonds at a very high price, and
the fact is known to others as well as myself. Would your friends in
Maine be satisfied if they knew the facts/
Now as to the Bank Business.
In a letter from Augusta, Maine, dated November 18th, 1869, Mr.
Blaine writes to Mr Fisher: "It is quite evident to my mind there will
be an expansion of the Currency to the amount of fifty to seventy-five
millions of dollars. The form it will take, I think, will be an addi-
tion to the National Bank Circulation AVest and South. My object in
writing is to ask in season if your friends would desire to estahlish a
Bank at Little Rock ? It will be to some extent a matter of favoritism
as to who gets the Banks in the several localities, and it will be in my
power to "cast an anchor to the windward" in y'r behalf if you
Well, these are sufficient extracts touching upon the charge of Mr.
Blaine's using his official position in the manner alleged. Was there
not, however, a letter from Mr Blaine containing copy of another
letter of exoneration which Mr. Blaine requested Fisher to send him as
though written by Fisher himself?
Yes. And as this letter is quite characteristic, considering Fisher's
letter of April 12th, just quoted, it is as well to give it in full :
Washtn, D. C, 16th April 1876.
My Dear Mr. Fisher : You can do me a very great favor, and I
know it will give you pleasure to do so — just as I would do for you
under similar circumstances. Certain persons and papers are trying
to throw mud at me to injure my candidacy before the Cincinnati Con-
vention, and you may observe they are trying it in connection with the
Little Rock and Fort Smith matter.
I want you to send me a letter such as the inclosed draft. You will
receive this to-morrow (Monday) evening, and it will be a favor I shall
never forget if you will at once write me the letter and mail the same
The letter is strictly true, is honorable to you and to me, and will
stop the mouths of slanderers at once.
Regard this letter as strictly confidential. Do not show it to anyone.
The draft is in the hands of my clerk, who is as trustworthy as any
man can be. If you can't get the letter written in season for the
9 o'clock mail to New York, please be sure to mail it during the night
so that it will start first mail Tuesday morning; but if possible, I pray
you to (jet it in the 9 o 'clock mail Monday evening. Kind regards to Mrs.
Fisher. Sincerely, J. G. B.
[Burn this letter.]
[Indorsed on the back.]
Not knowing your exact address I send this to the Parker House in
order that it may [not] be subjected to any danger in the hands of a
carrier. J. G. B.
The Western Union Telegraph Company.
Dated Washington, D. C, 1876.
Received at 9:44, April 16.
To Warren Fisher, Commonwealth Hotel: Please go to
Parker House to-morrow, Monday evening; on arrival morning mail
from New York, find letter. Answer by return mail.
19 D. H. J. G. BLAINE,
Enclosed in the foregoing letter, dated 16th April, was the following:
Boston, April 16, 1876.
The Son. James G. Blaine, Washington, D. C. :
Dear Sir : I observe that certain newspapers are making or rather
insinuating the absurd charge that you own or had owned $150,000 of
Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad bonds, and that you had in some
way obtained them as a gratuity.
The enterprise of building the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad
was undertaken in 1869 by a company of Boston gentlemen, of whom
I was myself one. The bonds of the road were put upon the market
in this city on what was deemed very advantageous terms to the par-
chaser. They were sold largely through myself. You became the pur*
schaser of about $30,000 of the bonds on precisely the same terms that
every other buyer received, paying for them in instalments, running
over a considerable period, just as others did. The transaction was
peifectly open, and there was no more secrecy in regard to it than if
you had been buying flour or sugar. I am sure you never owned a
bond of the road that you did not pay for at the market rate. Indeed,
I am sure that no one received bonds on any other terms.
When the road got into financial difficulties and loss fell upon you
you still retained your bonds, and you held them clear through to the
reorganization of the company in 1874, exchanging them for stock and
bonds of the new company.
You acquired also some demands against the new company by reason
of your having joined with others in raising some money when the
company was in pressing need. For the recovery of that money pro
ceedings are now pending in the U. S. Circuit Court in Arkansas, to
which you are openly a party of record. Concealment of the invest-
ment at'd everything connected with it would have been very easy had
concealment been desirable; but your action in the whole matter was as
open and as fair as the day. When the original enterprise failed, I knew
with what severity the pecuniary loss fell upon you. and with what in-
tegrity and nerve you met it. Yen™ having since elapsed, it seems rather
hard at this late d;»y to be compelled to meet a slander in a matter where
your conduct was in the highest degree honorable and straightforward
You may use this letter in any way that will be of service to you.
Very sincerely yours, W. F., Jr.
For the purposes in view that is sufficient. Give a brief outline 01
the remainder of the correspondence.
These letters, which can be readily procured, prove conclusively that
Mr. Blaine did own both mortgage tn.nds and land bonds of the Little
Rock and Fort Smith R. R. ; that he did not pay for them all at the market
rates; that they came to him mostly under a contract with Fisher, by
which he undertook to induce his friends in Maine to subscribe to the
stock of the road; that his transactions were not open, for, in his letter
to Fisher, of October 4th, 18U9. he says: li No one will ever know from,
me that I have disposed of a single dollar in Maine ;" and that he was
desperately bent upon making the most out of the job.
What is the plain and fdir inference to be drawn from Mr. Blaine's
course, as revealed in this correspondence ? -
That his political position and influence were traded upon for purposes
of private train. Further, that a man who fights for his "bone" with
the dogged tenacity shown in this correspondence, was very unlikely to
let any chance slip which came in his way. The fact that the most
notorious lobbyist of this generation presented Mr. Bhiine, while
Speaker of the Hou*e, with a testimonial, makes such an inference a
perfectly fair one. The statements attributed to Mr. James F. Joy, the
railway magnate of Michigan, by men who heard them from his own
lips, point iu the same direction.
What are those statements ?
That he (Joy), wishing to have an able lawyer appointed on a
Committee in a dispute between the Osage Indians and the Leavenworth,
Lawrence and Galveston R. R., touching some valutbl* lands, applied
to Mr. Blaine, then Speaker, to appoint such a man. On the following
day an intimate fiiend of Mr. Blaine came to Joy and told him if he
would buy of Mr. Blaine $25,000 in the bonds of the Little Rock and
Fort Smith K. R. at par, Mr. Blaine would make up the Committee as
far as possible just as Mr. Joy desired to have it made up.
Why at par f
Because at that time the bonds had greatly depreciated.
Does Mr. Blaine's recently published correspondence with the elder
Sanford throw any further light on his stock transactions V
Yes : it contains a false statement, more startling perhaps than any
yet laid to his charge. In a long letter written by him to Joseph A.
Sanborn, Oct. 29th, 1869, he asserted that the land grant of 1,600,000
acres, belonging to the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad, whs then
selling at a minimum of $10 per acre. At that very time, the railroad
was prohibited by then existing legislation from selling these very
lands to settlers at more than $2.50 per acre, and this identical legisla-
tion was not repealed until the early part of the year 1870.
What else does the correspondence show ?
That Mr. Blaine's assertion, apropos of the Hocking Valley Iron
and Coal Land business, viz. : that he never induced any one to
speculate in such matters, is not true. For, his letter to Sanborn of
October 28th, 1869, while making the assertion in one sentence, utterly
disproves it in another.
What is the text of that letter ?
The following :
Parker House, Boston, Oct. 28th, 1869.
Friend Sanborn : — Excuse my urging you to be punctual in your ad-
vising me of your final conclusion touching the railway matter. There
are parties here pressing Fisher for a chance, and 1 am not able to
prolong the option. You know I never urge any man into a specula-
tion, but the more I see and know of this, the more confidence 1 feel
in it. Yours hastily,
J. G. Blaine.
In his letter of October 26th, that is two days previously, what did
Mr. Blaine write?
" A rare chance is offered to those who will subscribe to the Common
stock. It is offered only among friends in a confidential way."
What did he write on May 6th, 1870 f
"In regard to the Little Rock and Fort Smith I am completely satis-
fied that your investment will really prove better than I ever re-
presented it Do you desire any more of the stock and
bonds ? If you do, it may be in my power to give you a chance, for
/ still have some valuable options which I might give you partial ad-
vantage of, in the absence of ready capital to take advantage myself of
the investment If a gross sum of $40,000 could be
raised [I] could command a splendid advantage on the investment/'
Do thene quotations bear out Mr. Blaine's statement that he never
urged any man into speculation ?
Mr. Blaine's idea of "urging" may not tally with that entertained
by mankind generally ; but if the most forcible kind of persuasion is
'not to be found in this correspondence, language has no definite
What else do these letters reveal ?
That he was anxious to hoodwink the man wlta, he said, had been
(most generous in admitting him to a share in tpe enterprise, for he
writes to Sanborn, on November 26th, 1869: is il don't want Mr.
Fisher to know that I have made the optional agreejment, for he thinks
half is absolutely mine. Just let that be private between us."
What general observations does the foregoing evidence when properly
substantiated, suggest? 'i
That a few such facts are like the red spots on \the stomach of a
patient suffering from typhoid fever. They indicate w'ith certainty the
general condition of the blood, and the presence of dangerous disease.
Merely that the disease is highly contagious and infectious, especially
if its nature is not acknowledged and it is not vigorously foombatted.
Explain yourself. I
I mean that all who are taught to look upon it as harmless £nd breathe
the atmosphere vitiated by the patient, are likely to catch it. ^
With what result ?
Rapid and universal corruption.
Do Mr. Blaine's supporters take this view?
No. They insist that such use of position and influence is not only
legitimate, but commendable, and the logical consequence of their view
is, that the man most deeply implicated in transactions such as those
detailed in the foregoing pages, is the fittest man to represent the
"strictest honor and integrity" of the country.
On which you observe?
That the advocacy of such views by a great political party is nothing
less than a national calamity.
Because it holds out the highest rewards to the meanest of human
vices. Because it tends to debauch the moral sense of a whole country
and saps the very foundations on which good, clean government rests.
Because it breeds in the people cynical distrust of, and contempt for
their rulers, and strikes directly at the authority of law and order.
On what is that authority founded?
On truth and justice.
What is a vote ?
Every honest man's weapon and the country's defence against
jobbery, corruption and misrule.
Can a man vote as he pleases 1 \
A vote is a public trust to be used for the general welfare, and, conse- /
quently, a nia-i is bound in honor and conscience, as between a fit and
an unfit candidate for any weighty and responsible office, to vote against
^J unfit candidate.
How about buying and selling votes ?
The man who does either the one or the other is a scoundrel, and all
aiding and abetting in such work are scoundrels and traitors to the /
best interests of their country.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
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